India’s $26 bn space assets enhance security through connectivity

India’s space assets are estimated to be worth $26 billion but they support the country’s huge economy worth hundreds of billion dollars through connectivity.

India’s space assets are estimated to be worth $26 billion but they support the country’s huge economy worth hundreds of billion dollars through connectivity. This was disclosed recently by India’s top defence scientist, Avinash Chander, while addressing the intelligence community at the 27th Intelligence Bureau Centenary Endowment Lecture. Pointing out that connectivity played a key role in the security of the country, he observed that modern technology had also become a “critical enabler in every phase of the intelligence cycle.” He emphasised the importance of connectivity for both the economy and the country’s security. From information gathering to information analysis and information dissemination, the impact of technology has not only revolutionized the traditional means of intelligence such as the Human Intelligence (HUMINT), but has also opened new disciplines such as Signals Intelligence (SIGINT), Geospatial Intelligence (GEOINT), Imagery Intelligence (IMINT), Cyber Intelligence (CYINT) and Measurement and Signature Intelligence (MASINT). Space assets like satellites facilitated communications, navigation, mass media and also “our ability to predict cyclones, weather and crops, all are dependent on space”. But all these technologies, “though offering benefits, are not spared from adversary threats”. Chander, who is secretary (Defence Research & Development) in the defence ministry and director general of the Defence Research & Development Organisation (DRDO) as well as scientific adviser to the defence minister, laid great emphasis on the importance of intelligence agencies. “The strength of any nation depends primarily on its intelligence agencies. The intelligence agencies assess potential of the adversaries in terms of their economic strength, defence and industrial infrastructure, communication and transport systems, political leadership, scientific and technical prowess, sociological, cultural and geographical factors and so on. Thus, the mission of our intelligence agencies is to support defence planning and operations and contribute to national security through a coordinated effort by the entire intelligence community.” Pointing out that the strength of a country depended a lot on its intelligence apparatus, Chander observed that Indian agencies like the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), Intelligence Bureau (IB), Joint Cipher Bureau (JCB), Aviation Research Centre (ARC) and National Technical Research Organisation (NTRO) are “playing an important role in defining the needs and driving the technologies”. They provide the military with possible threat information and also assist in the management of internal security. Overall, “our intelligence agencies support defence planning and operations and contribute to national security through a coordinated effort by the entire intelligence community.” Elaborating the importance of space assets, Chander said that while technology helped in the precise location of a transmitter, fingerprinting the system enabled detection of individual transmitters. “Precise measurements from space in the hyper- spectral domain are processed to differentiate between decoys and the real targets. It is also possible to detect missile launches and the nuclear radiations based on space based sensors, integrated with information from ground radars and networked sensors.” Chander said that it was necessary to protect the country’s critical cyber infrastructure. With the expansion of the cyber domain, both the advantages and challenges will grow. “The (coming) 5G systems will allow massive data transfers upto1Gb/sec. And the data flow and volumes will enhance multi-fold. By 2020, we are expecting to have 50 billion systems connected to the network. Old net structures are giving way to dense cloud structures. Speed of information processing doubles every 12-18 months, parallel processing with optical interconnects on a single chip are enhancing the computation capability. “A single breakthrough capability like quantum computation can change the entire scenario.” DRDO, he said, had made indigenous efforts for threat identification, risk assessment, trustworthy development, indigenousl architecture high assurance platforms and high assurance systems evaluation. Chander had told India Strategic (www.indiastrategic.in) recently that critical software for several defence systems imported by the Indian armed forces is being developed and provided by DRDO. Source : Defence News

Govt clears 4 rail lines along China border

NEW DELHI: Four strategic places along the Sino-India border have been identified by the Defence Ministry for rail connectivity in the first phase, Lok Sabha was informed today.

NEW DELHI: Four strategic places along the Sino-India border have been identified by the Defence Ministry for rail connectivity in the first phase, Lok Sabha was informed today. They are Missamari-Tenga-Tawang (378 km), Bilaspur-Manali- Leh (498 km), Pasighat-Tezu-Rupai (227 km) and North Lakhimpur-Bame-Silapathar (249km), Minister of State for Railways Manoj Sinha said. In a written reply, he said, "The Railway Ministry has requested the Defence Ministry to convey approval to carry out final location survey at a cost of Rs 345 crore and provide the necessary funds." The time of completion and cost, however, cannot be ascertained till completion of the final location survey and detailed geo-technical studies and consequent sanction of the project, he added. To a related question, he said no strategic line along Pakistan border has been identified by the Defence Ministry in the first phase. Source : Defence NEws

Defence acquisition proposals worth Rs 4,444 cr cleared

New Delhi: The Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) on Wednesday approved proposals worth Rs 4,444 crore, including the purchase of four helicopters for survey vessels at Rs 2,324 crore, but deferrred a decision on a joint bid of Tata Sons Ltd and Airbus for replacing IAF’s Avro transport fleet.

Besides giving its go-ahead to acquire four choppers, the DAC, under Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar, also cleared the upgradation of the mobile integrated electronic warfare system, Samyukta, at a cost of Rs 1,682 crore, a Defence Ministry spokesperson said. The DAC also cleared a proposal relating to purchase of P-7 Heavy Drop Platform, which is used for military logistics, for Rs 402 crore, the official said. Another proposal of Rs 36 crore for acquiring propeller engine for offshore patrol vessel of the Coast Guard was also given a go-ahead, the spokesman said. The DAC, however, could not arrive at a decision on a joint bid by Tata Sons Ltd and Airbus to replace the Indian Air Force’s Avro transport fleet, according to sources. European consortium Airbus Defence and Space has made a joint bid with Tata Advanced Systems Ltd (TASL) for 56 medium-transport aircraft of IAF valued at Rs 20,000 crore (USD 3 billion). The euro 14 billion (USD 17.8 billion) Airbus Defence has tied up with Tata Sons’ subsidiary (TASL) as its Indian production partner for the order. The bid is for 56 twin-turboprop tactical military aircraft, including 16 in fly-away condition from the Airbus Defence final assembly line and the remaining 40 to be built and assembled by TASL in Hyderabad. The aircraft is in the six-eight tonne class, with a cruise speed of 800 kms per hour and a range of 2,500-2,800 kms. The IAF had floated the tender after the DAC had on July 19 cleared the proposal for manufacturing the 56 transport aircraft in the private sector, excluding state-run defence firm Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd (HAL), which built the Avro planes. Source : Defence News

Russia to ‘Make in India’ 400 Helicopters a Year

Russia and India have agreed to assemble 400 twin-engined helicopters a year in India, Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin said after summit talks between President Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
The Kamov Ka-226T, which Russia offered to assemble in India, is a light multi-role helicopter which is used for search-and-rescue operations.
The issue was discussed during the summit talks between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin.

According to Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin, almost 400 Kamov helicopters a year will be assembled in India. He said Russia may consider producing Mi-17 transport helicopter in India as well.
At a joint media interaction with Putin, Modi said they discussed a broad range of new defence projects and how to align the defence relations to India’s own priorities, including ‘Make in India’.
“I am pleased that Russia has offered to fully manufacture in India one of its most advanced helicopters. It includes the possibility of exports from India. It can be used for both military and civilian use. We will follow up on this quickly,” Modi said.
The Prime Minister said Russia has been India’s foremost defence partner through decades and it will remain so.
“Even as India’s options have increased today, Russia will remain our most important defence partner. We have conducted joint exercises across all three wings of the Armed Forces in the last six months,” he said.
Russian officials said an in-principle decision was made on assembling of Russian helicopters in India.
“Almost 400 Kamov helicopters a year will be turned out,” Interfax news agency quoted Rogozin as saying.

Source : Defence News

Obama’s defence secy nominee Ashton Carter instrumental in reviving ties with India

Washington: Ashton Carter, nominee for the US Defence Secretary, was instrumental in reviving India-US defence ties, a top American lawmaker today said, while others welcomed his nomination for the top Pentagon post.

“He (Carter) was instrumental in reviving the US-India defence relationship, a major development that continues to bear fruit, and he has helped forge new security ties with former Communist bloc nations,” House Democratic Whip Steny H Hoyer said after President Barack Obama nominated Carter.
Hoping that the Senate will confirm Carter quickly so he can get to work without delay, Hoyer said Carter is an excellent choice to serve the next Secretary of Defence.
“He has the experience and the judgment required to lead the Department of Defence as it confronts ISIL in Iraq and Syria, brings our troops safely home from Afghanistan, and counters threats against the United States and our allies around the world,” he said.
Congressman Mac Thornberry, Chairman-elect of the House Armed Services Committee, said Carter knows the Pentagon, and he knows that some reforms are essential if they are to meet the national security needs of the country.
Welcoming the nomination, Senator Jim Inhofe, ranking member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, said he has worked with Carter over the years and consider him qualified for the position and look forward to his confirmation hearing.
Senator John McCain said Carter is a highly competent, experienced, hard-working, and committed public servant.
“Throughout Carter’s previous tenure at the Pentagon, I have worked closely with him on a number of issues, including defence acquisition reform,” he said, adding that he was looking forward to his confirmation hearing.
Senator Lindsey Graham said Carter has the knowledge and capability to serve as Secretary of Defence during these difficult times.
“I expect he will face tough questions at his confirmation hearing about President Obama’s failing national security policy, but I expect he will be confirmed,” the Republican Senator said.
Senator Carl Levin, chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, said Carter is highly qualified and experienced, and well-versed in the challenges that the next secretary of defence will face.
“Carter understands the threats that confront our country and I believe his experience at the Pentagon will make him an effective leader for our military. Given the many critical national security issues confronting the United States, it is my hope that the Senate will work swiftly to consider and confirm President Obama’s nominee to this critical post,” Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid said.

Source : Defence News

India, Australia To Strengthen Strategic Ties, Counter China

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has made a clear indication that New Delhi is fully prepared to counter Beijing’s increasing influence in the Asia Pacific region.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has made a clear indication that New Delhi is fully prepared to counter Beijing’s increasing influence in the Asia Pacific region. On Tuesday, Modi and his Australian counterpart Tony Abbott decided to bolster the bilateral strategic partnership on the basis of ‘converging political, economic and interests’. In Canberra, the two PMs discussed various aspects of bilateral relations and expressed serious concern over China’s attempts to increase its influence in the Indian Ocean region. Modi and Abbott finalised a framework for security co-operation between the two countries. They also decided to hold annual meeting to assess the co-operation. According to the statement issued by the Indian External Affairs Ministry, the defence ministers of the two ‘friendly’ nations will hold regular meeting in the coming days. India and Australia will also hold annual defence policy talks and regular joint naval manoeuvres, apart from co-operating in defence research and development. Meanwhile, the Australian media reported that the confirmation of the security framework came only after Chinese President Xi Jinping’s departure from Canberra (after attending the G20 Summit). Political experts are of the opinion that the current geopolitical situation in the Asia Pacific region has forced New Delhi and Canberra to strengthen bilateral defence ties. As China is racing ahead of Australia, Japan and India, the interests of Canberra, Tokyo and New Delhi have sharply converged. As a result, India and Australia announced the new ‘Framework for Security Co-operation’ for close collaboration in defence, counter-terrorism, cyber security and maritime security. In a joint statement, governments of the two countries said: “Prime Minister (Narendra) Modi and Prime Minister (Tony) Abbott decided to extend defence co-operation to cover research, development and industry engagement. They agreed to hold regular meetings at the level of the defence minister, conduct regular maritime exercises and convene regular Navy to Navy, Air Force to Air Force and Army to Army staff talks.” Although the two leaders further decided to push for a free trade pact between their countries, the defence co-operation was more important. Former Indian Foreign Secretary Kanwal Sibal said that it was a crucial development and the Modi administration pursued a strategy to protect the region from China’s unpredictable actions. “The Modi government is playing its cards astutely. While India is taking steps to improve economic ties with China, it is also pursuing a strategy aimed at checking China. It’s a wise approach,” he told the ‘Hindustan Times’ daily. Indian defence analyst Lieutenant General (Retired) B S Jaswal stressed: “Beijing’s hegemonic attitude will continue if not checked.” Israel, too, is eager to ramp up strategic ties with India. A couple of days back, Israel said that China is its trading partner, but India is a ‘strategic’ one. The Israeli authorities also announced that they would not revive arms trade with Beijing in the future. With sales worth USD 1 billion-USD 1.5 billion every year, India is currently No 1 arms market for Israel and Jerusalem is planning to concentrate only on the South Asian country in the region as far as the arms trade is concerned. In its latest report, the Israeli Defence Ministry said that the West Asian nation currently exports defence equipment worth USD 7 billion annually to India, but hardly anything to China in the last decade. The volume of annual trade between India and Israel is around USD 5 billion and the signing of a Free Trade Agreement can easily double the volume, the report said. While welcoming the Indian PM’s commitment to taking ties with Israel to a new level, senior Israeli officials have said that no one should question Jerusalem’s relation with Beijing and dilute it with the strategic partnership with New Delhi. Source : Defence News

US rules out trilateral military partnership with India, Japan

Washington: The US has ruled out a trilateral military partnership with India and Japan, days after it decided to upgrade its annual trilateral meetings at the ministerial level.

“No,” Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia Nisha Desai Biswal told reporters when asked if the India-Japan-US trilateral diplomatic ties expand to become a military partnership. “The trilateral relationship between India and Japan is not to be at the exclusion of any other relationships and partnerships in the region. It has its roots on the desire to support economic connectivity across the South Asia and Southeast Asia landscape,” she said. “As you see the transition, the political transition in Myanmar, it has created a new opening and an opportunity to strengthen that connectivity that allows trade to go north, south, east, and west. So the trilateral conversations, have focused on how to do that, how to support trade and economic connectivity across the region,” she added. There are also discussions about how to strengthen humanitarian assistance and disaster response across the region. There’s a great deal of capacity in India. There’s a great deal of capacity in Japan, she noted. Asia is one of the most disaster-prone regions of the world. Over 60 per cent of hydro meteorological disasters that require international assistance occur in the Asia-Pacific region. So another area of discussion has been on creating capabilities and synergies on disaster response, she said. She said there is a very deep interest in strengthening maritime cooperation and maritime security, and India is playing an increasing role in providing that as we look at anti-piracy initiatives and ways to create safe transportation routes and lanes for commerce to be able to take place. “So those have been the nature of the conversations. This is an important trilateral, but I don’t think it comes at the exclusion of other strong, important relationships in the region,” she explained. The US is currently doing joint military exercises with India and with Japan, she said, adding a lot of the countries of the region, including China, have participated in the RIMPAC exercises. “We see these areas not as being exclusive or exclusionary, but we think that the more that we’re able to partner with and work with the militaries of the region, create understanding and capabilities of how we can work together, both in terms of responding to crises when they happen, but also in terms of creating shared understandings,” she said. “I know that we have mil-to-mil conversations in our relationship with China, and we certainly do with many of the other countries of the region. These are conversations that we want to have across the broad expanse of all of our relationships,” she added. Source: Defence News

INDIA as a Great Power

UNLIKE many other Asian countries—and in stark contrast to neighbouring Pakistan—India has never been run by its generals. The upper ranks of the powerful civil service of the colonial Raj were largely Hindu, while Muslims were disproportionately represented in the army.

On gaining independence the Indian political elite, which had a strong pacifist bent, was determined to keep the generals in their place. In this it has happily succeeded. But there have been costs. One is that India exhibits a striking lack of what might be called a strategic culture. It has fought a number of limited wars—one with China, which it lost, and several with Pakistan, which it mostly won, if not always convincingly—and it faces a range of threats, including jihadist terrorism and a persistent Maoist insurgency. Yet its political class shows little sign of knowing or caring how the country’s military clout should be deployed. That clout is growing fast. For the past five years India has been the world’s largest importer of weapons (see chart). A deal for $12 billion or more to buy 126 Rafale fighters from France is slowly drawing towards completion. India has more active military personnel than any Asian country other than China, and its defence budget has risen to $46.8 billion. Today it is the world’s seventh-largest military spender; IHS Jane’s, a consultancy, reckons that by 2020 it will have overtaken Japan, France and Britain to come in fourth. It has a nuclear stockpile of 80 or more warheads to which it could easily add more, and ballistic missiles that can deliver some of them to any point in Pakistan. It has recently tested a missile with a range of 5,000km (3,100 miles), which would reach most of China. Which way to face? Apart from the always-vocal press and New Delhi’s lively think-tanks, India and its leaders show little interest in military or strategic issues. Strategic defence reviews like those that take place in America, Britain and France, informed by serving officers and civil servants but led by politicians, are unknown in India. The armed forces regard the Ministry of Defence as woefully ignorant on military matters, with few of the skills needed to provide support in areas such as logistics and procurement (they also resent its control over senior promotions). Civil servants pass through the ministry rather than making careers there. The Ministry of External Affairs, which should be crucial to informing the country’s strategic vision, is puny. Singapore, with a population of 5m, has a foreign service about the same size as India’s. China’s is eight times larger. The main threats facing India are clear: an unstable, fading but dangerous Pakistan; a swaggering and intimidating China. One invokes feelings of superiority close to contempt, the other inferiority and envy. In terms of India’s regional status and future prospects as a “great power”, China matters most; but the vexatious relationship with Pakistan still dominates military thinking. A recent attempt to thaw relations between the two countries is having some success. But tension along the “line of control” that separates the two sides in the absence of an agreed border in Kashmir can flare up at any time. To complicate things, China and Pakistan are close, and China is not above encouraging its grateful ally to be a thorn in India’s side. Pakistan also uses jihadist terrorists to conduct a proxy war against India “under its nuclear umbrella”, as exasperated Indians put it. The attack on India’s parliament in 2001 by Jaish-e-Mohammed, a terrorist group with close links to Pakistan’s intelligence service, brought the two countries to the brink of war. The memory of the 2008 commando raid on Mumbai by Lashkar-e-Taiba, another terrorist organisation, is still raw. Pakistan’s nuclear capabilities are a constant concern. Its arsenal of warheads, developed with Chinese assistance, is at least as large as India’s and probably larger. It has missiles of mainly Chinese design that can reach most Indian cities and, unlike India, it does not have a “no first use” policy. Indeed, to offset the growing superiority of India’s conventional forces, it is developing nuclear weapons for the battlefield that may be placed under the control of commanders in the field. Much bigger and richer, India has tended to win its wars with Pakistan. Its plans for doing so again, if it feels provoked, are worrying. For much of the past decade the army has been working on a doctrine known as “Cold Start” that would see rapid armoured thrusts into Pakistan with close air support. The idea is to inflict damage on Pakistan’s forces at a mere 72 hours’ notice, seizing territory quickly enough not to incur a nuclear response. At a tactical level, this assumes a capacity for high-tech combined-arms warfare that India may not possess. At the strategic level it supposes that Pakistan will hesitate before unleashing nukes, and it sits ill with the Indian tradition of strategic restraint. Civilian officials and politicians unconvincingly deny that Cold Start even exists. Bharat Karnad of the Centre for Policy Research, a think-tank, believes Pakistan’s main danger to India is as a failed state, not a military adversary. He sees Cold Start as a “blind alley” which wastes military and financial resources that should be used to deter the “proto-hegemon”, China. Others agree. In 2009 A.K. Antony, the defence minister, told the armed forces that they should consider China rather than Pakistan the main threat to India’s security and deploy themselves accordingly. But not much happened. Mr Karnad sees feeble civilian strategic direction combining with the army’s innate conservatism to stop India doing what it needs to. The “line of actual control” between China and India in Arunachal Pradesh, which the Chinese refer to as South Tibet, is not as tense as the one in Kashmir. Talks between the two countries aimed at resolving the border issue have been going on for ten years and 15 rounds. In official statements both sides stress that the dispute does not preclude partnership in pursuit of other goals. But it is hard to ignore the pace of military investment on the Chinese side of the line. Brigadier Gurmeet Kanwal of the Centre for Land Warfare Studies points to the construction of new railways, 58,000km of all-weather roads, five air bases, supply hubs and communication posts. China would be able to strike with power and speed if it decided to seize the Indian-controlled territory which it claims as its own, says Mr Karnad. He thinks the Indian army, habituated to “passive-reactive” planning when it comes to the Chinese, has deprived itself of the means to mount a counter-offensive. Unable to match Chinese might on land, an alternative could be to respond at sea. Such a riposte was floated in a semi-official strategy document called “Nonalignment 2.0”, promoted last year by some former national security advisers and blessed by the current one, Shivshankar Menon. India’s naval advantage might allow it, for example, to impede oil traffic heading for China through the Malacca Strait. China and India are both rapidly developing their navies from coastal defence forces into instruments that can project power further afield; within this decade, they expect to have three operational carrier groups each. Some Indian strategists believe that, as China extends its reach into the Indian Ocean to safeguard its access to natural resources, the countries’ navies are as likely to clash as their armies. An OCEAN needs a navy :: China’s navy is expanding at a clip that India cannot match—by 2020 it is expected to have 73 major warships and 78 submarines, 12 of them nuclear—but India’s sailors are highly competent. They have been operating an aircraft-carrier since the 1960s, whereas China is only now getting into the game. India fears China’s development of facilities at ports in Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Myanmar—a so-called “string of pearls” around the ocean that bears India’s name; Mr Antony called the announcement in February that a Chinese company would run the Pakistani port of Gwadar a “matter of concern”. China sees a threat in India’s developing naval relationships with Vietnam, South Korea, Japan and, most of all, America. India now conducts more naval exercises with America than with any other country. India’s navy has experience, geography and some powerful friends on its side. However, it is still the poor relation to India’s other armed services, with only 19% of the defence budget compared with 25% for the air force and 50% for the army. The air force also receives the lion’s share of the capital-equipment budget—double the amount given to the navy. It is buying the Rafales from France and upgrading its older, mainly Russian, fighters with new weapons and radars. A joint venture between Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) and Russia’s Sukhoi is developing a “fifth generation” strike fighter to rival America’s F-35. As well as indulging its pilots’ need for speed, though, the air force is placing a new emphasis on “enablers”. It is negotiating the purchase of six Airbus A330 military tankers and five new airborne early-warning and control aircraft. It has also addressed weaknesses in heavy lift by buying ten giant Boeing C-17 transports, with the prospect of more to come. Less clear is the priority the air force gives to the army’s requirements for close air support over its more traditional role of air defence, particularly after losing a squabble over who operates combat helicopters. With the army training for a blitzkrieg against Pakistan and the navy preparing to confront Chinese blue-water adventurism, it is easy to get the impression that each service is planning for its own war without much thought to the requirements of the other two. Lip-service is paid to co-operation in planning, doctrine and operations, but this “jointness” is mostly aspirational. India lacks a chief of the defence staff of the kind most countries have. The government, ever-suspicious of the armed forces, appears not to want a single point of military advice. Nor do the service chiefs, jealous of their own autonomy. The absence of a strategic culture and the distrust between civilian-run ministries and the armed forces has undermined military effectiveness in another way—by contributing to a procurement system even more dysfunctional than those of other countries. The defence industrial sector, dominated by the sprawling Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), remains stuck in state control and the country’s protectionist past. According to a recent defence-ministry audit, only 29% of the products developed by the DRDO in the past 17 years have entered service with the armed forces. The organisation is a byword for late-arriving and expensive flops. The cost of developing a heavy tank, the Arjun, exceeded the original estimates by 20 times. But according to Ajai Shukla, a former officer who now writes on defence for the Business Standard, the army wants to stick with its elderly Russian T-72s and newer T-90s, fearing that the Arjun, as well as being overweight, may be unreliable. A programme to build a light combat aircraft to replace the Mirages and MiG-21s of an earlier generation started more than quarter of a century ago. But the Tejas aircraft that resulted has still not entered service. There are signs of slow change. These include interest in allowing partnerships between India’s small but growing private-sector defence firms and foreign companies, which should stimulate technology transfer. But the deal to buy the Rafale has hit difficulties because, though Dassault would prefer to team up with private-sector firms such as Tata and Reliance, the government wants it to work with stodgy HAL. Even if Dassault had a free choice of partners, though, it is not clear that Indian industry could handle the amount of work the contract seeks to set aside for it. Richard Bitzinger, a former RAND Corporation analyst now at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore, sums up the problem in a recent study for the Zurich-based International Relations and Security Network. If India does not stop coddling its existing state-run military-industrial complex, he says, it will never be capable of supplying its armed forces with the modern equipment they require. Without a concerted reform effort, a good part of the $200 billion India is due to spend on weaponry over the next 15 years looks likely to be wasted. The Tiger and the Eagle :: The money it will spend abroad also carries risks. Big foreign deals lend themselves to corruption. Investigations into accusations of bribery can delay delivery of urgently needed kit for years. The latest “scandal” of this sort surrounds a $750m order for helicopters from Italy’s Finmeccanica. The firm denies any wrongdoing, but the deal has been put on hold. Britain, France, Israel and, above all, Russia (which still accounts for more than half of India’s military imports), look poised to be beneficiaries of the coming binge. America will get big contracts, too. But despite a ground-breaking civil nuclear deal in 2005 and the subsequent warming of relations, America is still regarded as a less politically reliable partner in Delhi. The distrust stems partly from previous arms embargoes, partly from America’s former closeness to Pakistan, partly from India’s concerns about being the junior partner in a relationship with the world’s pre-eminent superpower. The dilemma over how close to get to America is particularly acute when it comes to China. America and India appear to share similar objectives. Neither wants the Indian Ocean to become a Chinese “lake”. But India does not want to provoke China into thinking that it is ganging up with America. And it worries that the complex relationship between America and China, while often scratchy, is of such vital importance that, in a crisis, America would dump India rather than face down China. An Indian navy ordered to close down China’s oil supplies would not be able to do so if its American friends were set against it. India’s search for the status appropriate to its ever-increasing economic muscle remains faltering and uncertain. Its problems with Pakistan are not of the sort that can be solved militarily. Mr Karnad argues that India, from a position of strength, should build better relations with Pakistan through some unilateral gestures, for example cutting back the size of the armoured forces massed in the deserts of Rajasthan and withdrawing its short-range missiles. General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, head of Pakistan’s army, has declared internal terrorism to be a greater danger to his country than India. That may also offer an opportunity. China’s confidence in its new military power is unnerving to India. But if a condescending China in its pomp is galling, one in economic trouble or political turmoil and pandering to xenophobic popular opinion would be worse. Japan and South Korea have the reassurance of formal alliances with America. India does not. It is building new relationships with its neighbours to the east through military co-operation and trade deals. But it is reluctant to form or join more robust institutional security frameworks. Instead of clear strategic thinking, India shuffles along, impeded by its caution and bureaucratic inertia. The symbol of these failings is India’s reluctance to reform a defence-industrial base that wastes huge amounts of money, supplies the armed forces with substandard kit and leaves the country dependent on foreigners for military modernisation. Since independence India has got away with having a weak strategic culture. Its undersized military ambitions have kept it out of most scrapes and allowed it to concentrate on other things instead. But as China bulks up, India’s strategic shortcomings are becoming a liability. And they are an obstacle to India’s dreams of becoming a true 21st-century power.

Source : Defence News

US endorses India-Japan strategic partnership

WASHINGTON: The US has welcomed the just announced India-Japan Strategic Partnership and said it is looking forward to strengthen its trilateral co-operation with them.

“The US strongly supports India’s collaboration and cooperation with its neighbours in the Asia Pacific. We actively support such collaboration through our trilateral dialogue and other activities with India and Japan, and look forward to strengthening further our trilateral cooperation,” State Department spokesperson Jen Psaki said.  The US strongly supports a prosperous India playing an important role on the global stage, she said. It is during the Obama Administration that India, Japan and the US have started trilateral meetings.  “As we have long said, a strong, prosperous India contributes to regional and global peace and prosperity,” Psaki said responding to questions about Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Japan this week. During a meeting between Modi and his Japanese counterpart Shinzo Abe, the two sides announced India-Japan strategic partnership and deepening of defence relationship.  The Pentagon welcomed the decision of India and Japan and said that the latter’s participation in the Malabar exercise would be routine. “We are very excited that Japan’s participation in Exercise Malabar is becoming routine and believe that credible, ready, and inter-operable maritime forces help to preserve peace, prevent conflict, and foster a spirit of cooperation to meet regional and global challenges for mutual benefit,” Jeffrey S Pool, a Defence Department spokesperson said.  American think-tank community has described Modi’s Japan visit a great success. “Modi’s visit to Japan has been lauded by all corners as a great success,” said Alyssa Ayres, Senior Fellow for India, Pakistan, and South Asia at the Council on Foreign Relations, a top American think-tank.  “The United States has strongly supported strengthened ties between India and Japan (the US-India-Japan trilateral just one example), and the deliverables announced in the Tokyo Declaration complement components of US-India relations,” Ayres said. The joint emphasis on democracy, upgraded defence relations, science and technology, and a robust catalogue of economic undertakings all illustrate similarity with priorities in the US-India relationship, she said.  One major difference lies in the Japanese government’s ability to mobilise large amounts of Overseas Development Assistance, particularly through soft loans, she added. “The Tokyo Declaration puts Prime Minister Abe’s commitment at 3.5 trillion yen over five years (around USD USD 33 billion). That’s a much larger sum than the United States government typically mobilises, and at a time when the US Congress has not renewed the US ExIm Bank’s charter, shows where Washington has a diminished ability to support similar projects,” Ayres said. “Countries like Japan are working with economic policy tools to meet the strategic interests of partners like India, especially on infrastructure. Some good lessons for us here,” she said. Writing for “Asia Unbound” a CFR foreign policy blog, Sheila A Smith wrote that in his five-day visit this week, Narendra Modi has made Japan’s pivot to India even more enticing – and far more likely to succeed.  Modi’s election in May has brought more energy to the relationship, she noted. “As the television footage suggested, the two leaders seem to have a good chemistry, and enjoyed their time together. Modi even sent out messages of thanks to Abe via social media as he visited Kyoto and other spots in Japan,” Smith said.  Abe, according to her, must be satisfied to see one of his main diplomatic efforts take root. He has put considerable energy into developing new partners and opportunities for balancing China’s rise, and India has long been an option that Tokyo’s strategic thinkers have looked to develop, she observed. Source: Defense News

Government plans to export BrahMos missiles, Tejas, air defence system to Vietnam, Indonesia and Venezuela

NEW DELHI: The Modi government is quietly working on a plan to export defence equipment and armaments produced in India to friendly countries. A beginning could be made by exporting BrahMos missiles to Southeast Asia and South American countries. Vietnam, Indonesia and Venezuela have expressed willingness to procure the supersonic missile jointly produced by India and Russia, sources indicated to ET.
Indo-Vietnam defence ties are on an upward trajectory and Hanoi has been keen for the last few years to purchase this missile. However, there was no progress under the UPA government on the issue, sources indicated. BrahMos missiles have been inducted in all three defence services. The inter-governmental agreement between India and Russia for development of BrahMos missile (290-kmrange) also stipulates use of this advanced system to be inducted into the Indian and Russian armed forces as well  as export to friendly countries.



Vietnam and Russia are partners since the days of the Cold War and it can use Russian made defence equipment. India will sign an agreement for supplying defence equipment to Vietnam, during President Pranab Mukherjee’s trip from September 14-17. India and Indonesia also share good defence ties that encompasses training and defence exercises.
Recently, Prime Minister narendra Modi had stated that India should move towards self-reliance in producing military weapons and systems and also  look for exporting them to friendly nations.
The idea for defence co-development and joint production is not only to obtain cutting-edge technology and self-sufficiency in the long run but also export jointly developed products. So far, India depends on imports for meeting over 65% of its weapons requirement and has been branded as largest importer of arms by international think tanks. India could also export indigenously developed ‘Tejas’ – Light Combat Aircraft, ‘Akash’ – air defence system and ‘Prahar’ class of missiles to friendly countries. Tejas is a lightweight, multi-role, single-engine tactical fighter aircraft.
Akash, a surface-to-air missile, has a range of 25 km. Prahar is a 150 km-range tactical missile system. Several countries have shown interest in the Akash missile system, which was ready to be inducted into the Army. LCA is likely to be ready for induction into IAF by the end of this year after attaining the final operational clearance. Sources also claim that Indian weapon systems are cheaper than Chinese systems.

formal defence exports policy, it had earlier exported rifles to Nepal and Oman, besides supplying defence equipment to Myanmar including tanks, radars to Sri Lanka, defence equipment to Maldives, maritime patrol boats to Mauritius and defence spare parts to Vietnam. India’s current norm for defence exports involve supplies not only to friendly countries but also to countries which do not have civil war. “We do not want a situation where arms supplied by us is used by one group against another within the boundary of one country. 

Source : ET

India, Japan agree to strengthen defense ties

In his first state visit, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has met with a kindred spirit, Japanese Premier Shinzo Abe. The two leaders, wary of China's glowing clout in Asia, have agreed to strengthen defense ties.

semco tech services

During his visit to Japan on Monday, Indian Prime Minister Modi warned Asian powers against territorial expansionism, in a veiled reference to China's ambitions in the region.

"The 18th century situation of expansionism is now visible," Modi said, after holding talks with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in the historic city of Kyoto. "Such expansionism would never benefit humanity in the 21st century."

Modi didn't specifically mention Beijing, but China and India contest several regions along their common border. Abe shares Modi's suspicion of China's intentions in the region. Beijing and Tokyo dispute the Senkaku Islands, called the Diaoyu in Chinese.

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Modi's Japan visit signals strengthening of bilateral ties

Indian PM Narendra Modi will be heading to Japan on his first bilateral visit outside South Asia. Topping his agenda is the modernization of India's infrastructure and military, analyst Rajiv Biswas tells DW. (27.08.2014)

Over the summer, Prime Minister Abe's Cabinet approved a reinterpretation of Japan's pacifist constitution, permitting Tokyo to defend allies and deploy troops abroad for combat missions.

'Strategic, global partnership'

Although Abe and Modi failed to set up a permanent forum for their foreign and defense ministers to hold regular consultations, they did agree to "upgrade and strengthen" their defense ties. Tokyo is keen to sell New Delhi US-2 amphibian aircraft. The two countries also agreed to participate in joint maritime drills, and for Japan to continue participating in US-India drills.

"Together, working hand-in-hand with Prime Minister Modi, I intend to fundamentally strengthen our relationship in every field to elevate our relationship to a special strategic and global partnership," Prime Minister Abe said.

The two leaders also agreed to double Japan's investment in India over the course of five years to a total of 3.5 trillion yen ($33.6 billion, 25.5 billion euros).

slk/kms (AFP, dpa, Reuters)

Source : http://www.dw.de/ 

For First Time Since World War 2, Japan Will Sell Military Equipment. To India

TOKYO:  During his visit to Japan, Prime Minister Narendra Modi may not have closed a deal on nuclear energy cooperation, but he is returning with a pledge from counterpart Shinzo Abe for nearly 34 billion dollars in investment over the next five years, and the  sale of an amphibious aircraft to India's navy. The deal marks the intent of Asia's second and third largest economies to counter an increasingly aggressive China. 

The specialised sea-plane, the US-2, will be Japan's first overseas military sale in nearly 50 years. Because it provides landings on sea and land, the plane will significantly enhance the Indian Navy's ability to carry out, casualty evacuations, deliver humanitarian assistance and conduct long-range surveillance and reconnaissance.

In keeping with Mr Modi's emphasis on developing military technology indigenously to check India's dependence on foreign defence manufacturers, the US-2 planes will be made in India. The Indian Navy has been lobbying to get 15 of these.

A statement issued in Tokyo after Monday's summit between Prime Ministers Modi and Abe said "both sides directed the Joint Working Group to accelerate progress in the discussions and preparations for a road map for the development of the Indian aircraft industry through US-2 amphibian aircraft cooperation including the transfer of the aircraft and its technology to India." 

This is the first time since World War-II ended seven decades ago that Japan will be selling military hardware abroad. Following its defeat, Japan had imposed an embargo on sale of weapons and military equipment.

The four-engine US-2 aircraft will act as a force multiplier for the Indian Navy, allowing it to quickly insert troops at places where there is no landing strip on shore, including the numerous far-flung islands in Andaman and Nicobar and Lakshwadeep. 

Currently, ground troops are delivered to areas like this using a 'Landing Ship Tank' which isn't always effective. The Sea Planes will allow faster troop insertion of small clusters of soldiers for specialised operations.

India's coastline runs nearly 7,500 kilometres and the Navy had earlier projected a requirement of 15 such sea planes, but their acquisition was stalled by a shortage of funds and other competing requirements, seen as more urgent - like acquiring multi-role helicopters, torpedoes, submarines and ships. 

The US-2 is one sturdiest aircrafts and can operate in sea state 5 conditions (wind speed of 30 to 38 km per hour) on the high seas as well as on rivers and lakes. Each plane can carry about 30 personnel and lift 18 tonnes and fly 4,500 km at stretch without needing to stop for refuelling. 

Story First Published: September 01, 2014 21:30 IST

Source: NDTV

Mahindra & Mahindra prefers consortium for defence; in talks with BAE, others

NEW DELHI: Learning from past experience in bidding for defence orders in India, Mahindra & Mahindra has decided to go the consortium way and is talking to global players, including erstwhile joint venture partner BAE.

"What we have discovered was that it's better to work as consortium because we have so many areas of interests right now," Mahindra Group Chairman and Managing Director Anand Mahindra told PTI in an interview.

Last year in February, the group had ended its joint venture with BAE Systems by buying out the partner's 26 per cent stake. The JV was formed in 2009 with plans of supplying artillery howitzers and anti-mine vehicles to the Indian armed forces.

"We dismantled the JV because we ran out of patience. Nothing was happening," he said.

Mahindra said that with the new government led by Narendra Modi in place, things have started to move now.

"They are moving. In certain areas like defence, RFPs (request for proposals) are being floated now," he said.

Elaborating on the group's decision to form consortium rather than enter into JVs, he said: "It's just a practical decision, which we have taken that given the number of areas we are in, we are probably better off bidding for large projects... JV is not the right way to do it. The right way to do is through consortium."

When asked about global players that the group was talking for such projects, Mahindra said: "We are in fact talking to the BAE again and to all the others... We are talking to BAE for the same bid, but we are saying that we do not know, so let's not go through the JV thing once again. Let's form a consortium."

He said while the easing of FDI norms to allow up to 49 per cent in defence was welcome, what was more important was to take "quick and transparent" steps.

"Suddenly we find out RFPs are being made. Will it be followed up? Will spending be carried out? Will the process be quick and transparent?" he wondered.

Mahindra further said: "Even at 26 per cent we had the partner BAE and they were ready to do business. That's not the problem. The problem was is the process of procurement happening. Is it happening transparently and predictively? And that's what will change defence and get production in."

Source :Economics TImes

India imposes ‘Partial Ban’ on Finmeccanica

NEW DELHI: India will not ink fresh arms deals with Finmeccanica, if other armament companies can provide the same equipment, but will allow ongoing contracts with the Italian conglomerate to continue unhindered.

This “partial ban” — instead of what could have been a “complete” one — was officially notified by the defence ministry on Tuesday. It will come as “a major breather” for Finmeccanica, all dealings with which were earlier put on hold after its UK-based subsidiary AgustaWestland got enmeshed in the infamous VVIP helicopter kickbacks case. It also marks a shift from the earlier UPA era, under A K Antony as defence minister, where there was “indiscriminate blacklisting” of armament companies after allegations of corruption and bribery. “It often proved counter-productive. The aim now is not to block military acquisitions and spares, even as any wrongdoing is punished,” said an official. This is the second such case after the Narendra Modi government ruled out blacklisting of global engine manufacturer Rolls-Royce, which too is under CBI scanner for allegedly employing agents, on the grounds of “operational urgency and national security”. As was first reported by TOI on August 7, attorney general Mukul Rohatgi had advised the MoD that a complete ban or blacklisting of the entire Finmeccanica group, which produces warship guns and torpedoes to helicopters and radars, would jeopardize the battle-readiness of the armed forces. On Tuesday, the MoD issued a graded set of guidelines for dealings with Finmeccanica: * It will go ahead with all contracts under execution. Contracts already executed but requiring supply of spares and upgrades on a regular basis will also continue. This means ongoing contracts for manufacture of 76mm warship guns by BHEL under licence from Otomelara, a subsidiary of Finmeccanica, as well as those for Selex radars and electronic systems will continue. * Contracts where any Finmeccanica company is a sub-contractor or supplier to the main contractor will also continue. So, Russian upgrades of the Kamov-28 anti-submarine helicopters, where a Finmeccanica company is a supplier, will go-ahead. * All acquisition cases where Finmeccanica has been declared L-1 (lowest bidder) after competition shall be put on hold till further orders. A special exception for the Rs 1,800 crore project to buy 98 ‘Black Shark’ heavyweight torpedoes for the Scorpene submarines being constructed at Mazagon Docks is likely to be done. * In an ongoing tender process, in which L-1 has not been declared, Finmeccanica may not be considered if other vendors are available. But Finmeccanica may remain in the fray to supply naval multi-role helicopters to avoid a single-vendor situation. * A fresh tender or RFP (request for proposal) will not be issued to Finmeccanica if there are other vendors which can provide the same equipment or system. This could rule out Otomelara from participating in the new project for heavy 127mm guns India is now looking for new warships. As earlier reported by TOI, one estimate holds Finmeccanica, apart from ongoing contracts like the supply of Selex radars or Otomelara naval guns, is in contention for Indian military contracts worth over $6 billion. The crucial ones include the Rs 1,800 crore project to buy 98 ‘Black Shark’ heavyweight torpedoes, manufactured by another Finmeccanica subsidiary Whitehead Alenia Sistemi Subacquel (WASS) for the six Scorpene submarines being built at Mazagon Docks in Mumbai. Another case is for the procurement of naval multi-role helicopters (MRHs), with the contenders being European NH-90 choppers, which have Finmeccanica as a partner, and the American Sikorsky-70B choppers. The first contract for the 16 MRHs is to be followed by a bigger one for 123 helicopters at a cost of over $3 billion.

Source : TNN

Indian firms tool up for defence orders on Modi’s ‘buy India’ pledge

(Reuters) – Some of India’s biggest companies are pouring billions of dollars into manufacturing guns, ships and tanks for the country’s military, buoyed by the new government’s commitment to upgrade its armed forces using domestic factories.

India, the world’s largest arms importer, will spend $250 billion in the next decade on kit, analysts estimate, to upgrade its Soviet-era military and narrow the gap with China, which spends $120 billion a year on defence. Under the last government, procurement delays and a spate of operational accidents – especially dogging the navy – raised uncomfortable questions over whether India’s armed forces are capable of defending its sea lanes and borders. Even before his landslide election victory in May, Prime Minister Narendra Modi promised to assert India’s military prowess and meet the security challenge posed by a rising China and long-running tensions with Pakistan. Within weeks of becoming prime minister, he boosted defence spending by 12 percent to around $37 billion for the current fiscal year and approved plans to allow more foreign investment into local industry to jump-start production. Launching a new, Indian-built naval destroyer last week, Modi said: “My government has taken important steps in improving indigenous defence technology … We can guarantee peace if our military is modernised.” This build-up comes as Southeast Asian nations expand their own defence industries, spurred by tensions with China. India, reliant on a state defence industry that often delivers late and over budget, risks being caught flat-footed. “The opportunity is huge,” said M.V. Kotwal, president (Heavy Engineering) at Larsen and Toubro Ltd, one of India’s biggest industrial houses. “We really expect quicker implementation. There are signs that this government is very keen to grow indigenisation,” added Kotwal, referring to increasing domestic production. Tata Sons, a $100 billion conglomerate, said last month it will invest $35 billion in the next three years to expand into new areas with a focus on a handful of sectors including defence. Larsen is putting $400 million into a yard to build ships for the navy, while Mumbai-based Mahindra Group is expanding a facility that makes parts for planes, including for the air force, and investing in armoured vehicle and radar production. The companies are being lured by the prospect of lucrative returns on their investments as the Modi government has pledged to make “buy Indian” the default option for future orders. Larsen is targeting a fourfold increase in annual defence revenue to $1 billion within the next five years. Critics of indigenisation argue that producing gear – especially in the lumbering state sector – is more costly than buying from abroad. Such deals can add layers of bureaucracy, increasing risks of corrupt dealings. Indian industry is renowned for its ability to adapt, yet questions remain whether the private sector can come up with the solutions needed to bring armed forces into the 21st century without sufficient access to world-class foreign technology. DELAYS Some companies are also sceptical of the government’s commitment to grow the private market given New Delhi’s history of delays and order cancellations, and the traditionally strong ties between the military and state-run manufacturers. They cite the case of a $10 billion Future Infantry Combat Vehicle (FICV) programme. Conceived in 2009, the defence ministry invited three private players and the Ordnance Factory Board, a state entity, to bid for the 2,600-vehicle contract but suddenly withdrew the letter of intent in 2012. Bidders included Mahindra and Tata, which is developing a vehicle along with Lockheed Martin Corp and General Dynamics Corp that could compete for a future contract, said Rahul Gajare, an analyst at Edelweiss Securities. A quick decision to relaunch the programme would demonstrate Modi’s resolve, said S.P. Shukla, who heads Mahindra’s defence business. Past tenders have stalled amid wrangling over whether or not to allow state manufacturers to bid and under what terms. Larsen’s Kotwal said its Kattupalli shipyard in south India has yet to receive any orders for warships or submarines despite being designed to do just that and despite past government pledges to build at least two submarines in private yards. In the meantime, the yard has switched to constructing and repairing commercial vessels. “The policy in India has been right since 2006. The problem has been implementation,” said Rahul Chaudhry, CEO at Tata Power SED, which makes rocket launchers, sensors and radars. Local firms have captured a fraction of the Indian defence market since it first opened to private participation in 2001. Consecutive governments have handed orders to state factories or to foreign giants like Boeing, Lockheed and BAE Systems. Gajare at Edelweiss estimates total India private sector revenues from defence, including overseas orders, at below $2 billion last year, less than 6 percent of the country’s defence spending.   Source :Defence News

Rafale fighter jet deal contract with France almost ready: Defence ministry

The much-awaited multi-billion Rafale combat aircraft deal with France has moved a step further with the defence ministry finalizing a ‘draft contract’, according to top defence ministry officials.

Rafale was declared the lowest bidder in Janaury 2012 but the deal has not been inked so far on account of escalation in the cost. The Cost Negotiation Committee, which was set up in February 2012 to work out the modalities for the deal has not reached a conclusion after 30 months of negotiations. The government raised its concerns over this last month, during the visit of French foreign minister Laurent Fabius to New Delhi. “Yes, we are in the process of finalizing the draft contract for the deal. And we also expect the Cost Negotiation Committee to submit its report soon,” said a senior defence ministry official, who was privy to the developments. But the official refused to give a time frame for inking the deal. “It is very difficult to predict any date for signing the contract. But, it should happen in the next few months,” the officer said, requesting anonymity. The Indian Air Force (IAF), which is coping with a depleted combat strength, claims that even if the deal is signed by the end of the year the first lot of Rafale aircraft would arrive only by 2017, by which time the IAF would have to phase out its MiG-21 squadrons. The likelihood of an early signing is encouraging. Besides, the ruling NDA government has promised to address all the needs of the armed forces to ensure defence preparedness. According to officials privy to the development, the defence ministry has asked representatives of M/s Dassault Aviation – the French manufacturer of Rafale aircraft – to revise the price structure which has gone beyond expected estimates. Officials claim that when the tender was floated in 2007 the cost of the programme was $12 billion (Rs42,000 crore).When the lowest bidder was declared in January 2012, the cost of the deal shot up to $18 billion (Rs90,000 crore). Now with the inclusion of transfer of technology, the life cycle cost and creation of an assembly line, the deal has climbed to a whopping $20 billion. The air force is seeking to replace its aging MiG-21s with a modern fighter and the medium multi-role combat aircraft (MMRCA) fits between India’s high-end Sukhoi-30MKIs and the low-end Tejas LCA lightweight fighter. The IAF has a sanctioned strength of 45 fighter jet squadrons. However, only 30 squadrons are operational as old aircraft have been retired. Eighteen of the 126 new aircraft are to be purchased directly from Dassault and Hindustan Aeronautics Limited will manufacture 108 under a licence, at a new facility in Bangalore. Defence minister Arun Jaitley informed parliament last week that “given the complexity of the procurement case, the process of negotiations with Dassault Aviation on various aspects of the commercial proposal and provisions of draft contract is on.” Dassault Aviation emerged as L-1 bidder for procurement of the MMRCA based on its quotation.   Source : Defence NEws

Indian defence modernisation plan needs pragmatic action

The Army’s war waging capability is increasingly handicapped. Concerned with dwindling operational preparedness and operationally hard pressed, it wants to induct advanced technology hardware that it perceives would serve its operational needs optimally.

The NDA government has identified defence reforms and building a self sustaining defence industrial base as a priority reform sector. To transform this into reality, it is not so much of the government commitment but its ability to take policy decisions and put processes in place by spurring public and private sector investments through higher indigenisation, transfer of technology, simplifying procedures, etc. The Army’s war waging capability is increasingly handicapped. Concerned with dwindling operational preparedness and operationally hard pressed, it wants to induct advanced technology hardware that it perceives would serve its operational needs optimally. However its efforts at modernising be it combat or combat support arms are hardly encouraging – plagued by procurement and indigenous production delays and lack of timely planning. The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Defence’s figures reveals that the army’s equipment modernisation is steadily falling. In 2008-09, the army spent 27 paisa of every rupee on capital expenditure. This fell to 24 paisa in 2009-10; 23 paisa in 2010-11; 20 paisa in 2012-13 and just 18 paisa in the last two years. Indian army’s mechanised fleet comprises T-72 and T72 M1s Main Battle Tanks (MBTs), T-90S MBTs and indigenously produced Arjun MKI tanks. The main issue facing operational efficiency of mechanised forces are two: night fighting capability and ammunition. Resultantly the army’s ambitious plans to transform from a ‘threat-based to a capability force’ by 2020 are being consistently thwarted as a result of process driven MoD breaucracy and the Army headquarters delays in drawing up credible qualitative requirements. Army’s Modernization Perspective :: Let us take the armour first. Indian army’s mechanised fleet comprises T-72 and T72 M1s Main Battle Tanks (MBTs), T-90S MBTs and indigenously produced Arjun MKI tanks. The main issue facing operational efficiency of mechanised forces are two: night fighting capability and ammunition. In so far as night fighting capability is concerned only the 650-odd Russian T90S MBTs along with indigenously designed Arjun MKI tanks have full solution night fighting capability. T-72 and T72M1s that form the backbone of 59-odd armour regiments along with some 2200 Soviet-designed BMP-II infantry combat vehicles (ICVs) lack night fighting capability. Majority of the T72s await upgrades that will provide them with either full solution thermal imaging fire control systems (TIFCS) or third generation partial solution thermal imaging stand alone systems (TISAS) enabling all weather including night operations. Till date only 620 partial solution TISAS have been acquired. In terms of armour ammunition there is critical deficiency of anti tank ammunition; 125 mm armour piercing fin-stabilised discarding sabot (APFSDS). Indigenous production is held up on account of black listing of Israeli company, resultantly availability of 125 mm APFSDS including war wastage reserves have dropped to critical levels necessitating urgent imports of around 66,000 rounds from Russia at highly inflated prices. Next major deficiency is that of Artillery, where no new gun has been inducted in last three decades. Despite years of attempts at modernisation; army’s artillery profile remains beseeched by the inability to decide on the 155 mm gun to replace the 180-odd field artillery regiments employing as many as six different calibres that are fast approaching obsolescence. Even the 32 artillery regiments equipped with 410 FH-77B 155 mm Bofors guns imported in the late 1980s-are reduced to half following cannibalization owing to the non-availability of spares. Upgradation of approximately 200 Soviet 130 mm M-46 carried out jointly by the Ordnance Factory Board and Soltam of Israel has been unsatisfactory resulting in CBI enquiry. The proposal under the Artillery Rationalisation Plan to acquire by 2020-25 a mix of around 3000-3600; 155mm/39 calibre light weight and 155mm/52 calibre towed, mounted, self-propelled (tracked and wheeled) and ultra light weight 155mm/39 calibre howitzers through imports and local, licensed manufacture have been continually postponed for over a decade. Tenders for almost all these guns have been issued, withdrawn and re-issued, along with several rounds of inconclusive trials. Matters have been further complicated by the MoD completely or partially blacklisting at least four top overseas howitzer manufacturers. The infantry’s F-INSAS (Future Infantry Soldier as a System) project that includes a fully networked, all-terrain, all-weather personal equipment platform as well as enhanced firepower and mobility for the digitalised battlefield of the future continues to be abnormally behind schedule. Similarly eight-odd Special Forces battalions face an identity crisis, operating without a specialised operational mandate, organisational support or “dedicated budget” resulting in piecemeal and incomplete weapon and equipment packages. Adding to the Infantry’s woes is the shortages of credible assault rifles (ARs), carbines, ballistic helmets, lightweight bullet proof jackets and night vision devices. These are largely produced indigenously. Last year the MoD issued a global tender for 66,000, 5.56 mm ARs for an estimated $ 700 million to replace the locally designed Indian Small Arms System (INSAS). The eventual requirement for the proposed AR is expected to be around 2 million units for use not only by the army but also the paramilitary forces and the numerous provincial police forces in a project estimated to cost around $3 billion. Other infantry shortages include; close quarter battle carbines, general purpose machine guns, light-weight anti-materiel rifles, mine protected vehicles, snow scooters for use at heights above 21,000 feet in Siachen, 390,000 ballistic helmets, over 30,000 third generation NVDs, 180,000 lightweight bullet proof jackets together with other assorted ordnance including new generation grenades. Similar is the story of air defence. The bulk of the army’s air defence guns – Bofors L 70s and the Soviet Zu-23-2s and ZUS-23-4s and missiles like the Russian OSA-AK and Kradvat – date back 30-40 years and need replacing. The Army Aviation also faces similar shortages. There is an urgent need to replace obsolete aviation assets like the Chetak and Cheetah helicopters. Acquisition of 197 helicopters under the Army Aviation Corps Vision 2017 was postponed after the procurement of Eurocopter AS 550 C3 Fennec was scrapped in November 2007. Four years later after trials, evaluation and negotiation the contract is under re-assessment featuring Russia’s Kamov 226 and Eurocopter’s AS 550 models, with little chance of early conclusion. Addressing Army’s Modernization Needs :: The major issue that emerges is how will the army get out of the vicious cycle of delays in procurement, and get its modernisation plans back on track. Is it feasible to undertake an all encompassing procurement backed by indigenous production taking the transfer of technology (TOT) route? What are the likely constraints? Let us take a look at the budgetary support first? The Defence Budget for 2014-15 has an allocation of Rs. 2, 29,000 crores ($38 billion) an increase of 12 per cent over the previous year’s allocation. The capital outlay is Rs.94, 588 crores ($15.7 billion), and the remaining allocation of Rs. 1, 34,412 crores is the revenue outlay. The sub allocation of capital outlay to Army is Rs. 20, 655 crores, Navy Rs. 22, 312 crores, Air force Rs. 31,818 crores, DRDO Rs.9298 crores and modernization of Ordnance Factories (OFs) Rs. 1, 207 crores. While the figures might look impressive it needs to be noted that fairly large amount of capital outlays get consumed by committed liabilities leaving fairly modest amounts for new procurements. Second, even if the money was available how can the army make up such huge shortages in any acceptable time frame? Procurement procedures, deciding on vendors for transfer of technology, issues regarding off sets, participation of the private sector and above all skill development are long drawn process which in the best case can take anything from 5 to 7 years. To deal with the problem two critical aspects need to be addressed: One, the nature of future threats both in short-and-medium-to-long-terms basis. If the trigger for conflicts is likely to be unacceptable provocation requiring immediate military response; this requires basic level of preparedness and modernization to deal with such contingencies. Two, the long-term capability needs require a more nuanced and detailed induction perspective more attuned to R&D, technology transfers and indigenous production, etc. The essential take away from the above analysis is two-fold – laying down induction priorities and tri service synergy. [Author Brigadier (Retd.) Arun Sahgal, PhD, is Deputy Director Research and Head, Centre for Strategic Studies and Simulation, at the United Service Institution of India. He is a member of National Task Force on Net Assessment and Simulation, under the NSCS, Government of India.]   Source : Defence News